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Adiós a la diplomacia americana
(Fundación Análisis de Política Exterior, 2018-01) Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
An energy union without interconnections? Public acceptance of cross-border interconnectors in four European countries
(Elsevier, 2023-03-01) Lázaro Touza, Lara; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego
Despite the importance of achieving a functioning and decarbonised European Energy Union (EnU) research addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections at a European-wide level based upon public opinion polls is limited. To try to fill this gap in the literature, this article relies on a poll with 4000 respondents from the four big EU energy markets: France, Germany, Italy and Spain, including as a new explanatory variable their proximity to an electrical cross-border substation. Overall, 57,4% respondents have not heard about energy interconnections, and 69,2% have not ever heard about the internal energy market. Approaching public acceptance from a procedural justice framework, the article considers procedural justice as a pre-condition? For a fair policy-making process. By addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections, the article aims to contribute to the existing literature on their linkages of said interconnections with the European energy policy-making process, deriving specific policy implications to foster cross-border interconnections and energy integration within the EnU.
Asaltar los cielos: Podemos o la política después de la crisis
(Debate, 2015-04-09) Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
El sorprendente e indiscutible éxito cosechado en las pasadas elecciones europeas por Podemos (1.240.000 votos y cinco escaños), una formación recién creada, ha supuesto un terremoto en la política española, confirmado por sucesivas encuestas: el bipartidismo podría haber acabado, dando paso a un sistema político completamente nuevo. ¿De dónde viene Podemos? ¿Y a dónde quiere ir? Esas son las dos preguntas que se hace todo ciudadano español, y a las que José Ignacio Torreblanca, profesor de ciencia política y agudo comentarista de la realidad española, contesta en "Asaltar los cielos". Analizando el contexto en el que surge, la profunda y duradera crisis económica y el descrédito de las instituciones, pasa a estudiar el ideario en que se basa, la demanda popular a la que responde, y las estrategias que sigue. Un libro accesible para todo el mundo y una herramienta fundamental para entender esta nueva etapa de la política española en un año plagado de citas electorales que se antoja trascendental.
Border games: Has Spain found an answer to the populist challenge on migration?
(European Council on Foreign Relations, 2019-09-03) Fine, Shoshana; Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
Spain, and Europe, need a new story about migration – there is some recognition of this in Spain but it remains to be seen how the country will put this into practice. Spaniards are relatively open towards migration, but the policy challenge for their government should be to allay, and not provoke, fears of migrant invasion. The Spanish government has called for reform of the EU asylum system, favouring solidarity and shared responsibility as opposed to simply stopping ‘secondary movements’. Spain’s migration diplomacy aspires to work with origin and transit countries rather than acting in a coercive way towards them. The Spanish experience should inform EU member st ates’ efforts to seek to answers to the populist challenge: they should enact comprehensive, planned, and proactive policies that see migration as normal and necessary.
Bridging the Divide Between Structural and Actor-Oriented Explanations of Populism: A Research Agenda for the Study of Populist Euroscepticism Through a Territorial Perspective
(SAGE Publications, 2024) Dunin-Wasowicz, Roch; Crăciun, Claudiu; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rammelt, Henry P.; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6993-3392; https://orcid.org/0009-0005-8977-3847
This article explores the intersection of structural and actor-oriented explanations of populism through a territorial perspective, focusing on populist Euroscepticism. It builds on findings from the ‘Local Mobilisation Against the EU. Territorial Dimensions of Populist Euroscepticism’ (EULOC) project, which examined local drivers and manifestations of populism and Euroscepticism across Europe. The article highlights the importance of analysing both the supply and demand sides of populist Euroscepticism, emphasising the role of geographic inequalities, local socio-economic trajectories and collective identities. By integrating national, regional and local case studies, the article aims to bridge the divide between structural and actor-oriented approaches, offering a more comprehensive understanding of populist Euroscepticism. This approach seeks to prevent reductionist arguments and contributes to broader discussions on political participation, representation and the dynamics of populist movements in Europe. The article underscores the need for nuanced, multi-layered research that considers the unique socio-political dynamics of different regions and the impact of local contexts on the development of Eurosceptic sentiments.
Byting back: The EU’s digital alliance with Latin America and the Caribbean
(European Council on Foreign Relations, 2022-10-24) Hobbs, Carla; Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
SUMMARY China’s and Russia’s growing presence in Latin America and the Caribbean undermines democracy and Western influence in the region, along with the international rules-based order. The EU is responding to this threat by attempting to strengthen its relationships with Latin American and Caribbean countries. The bloc is attempting to build on their affinity for European values and rights, as well their preference for sustainable and inclusive development. Cooperation on digital technologies should be a priority in the effort, given the region’s need for greater connectivity. The Spanish presidency of the EU should lead the formation of a Digital Alliance with Latin America and the Caribbean at a summit scheduled for 2023. The EU can make this alliance work by focusing on connectivity investments, cyber security, and rights to support Latin American countries’ digital transitions. The alliance will also require a long-term vision within the EU, commitments from member states, leadership by several Latin American countries, and public-private investment partnerships.
China y las relaciones sino-rusas ante la Guerra de Ucrania
(Tirant lo Blanch, 2023) Ruiz Ramas, Rubén; Baqués, Josep; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8526-4149
COVID-19: a political virus? VOX’s populist discourse in times of crisis
(Frontiers, 2021-06-18) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rama, José
Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.
De la “memoria histórica” a la “memoria democrática”. La evolución de las políticas públicas de memoria y justicia transicional en España
(Fundación Alternativas, 2023) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; Jimeno Aranguren, Roldán; Ferreirós Orihuel, Inés; Penadés, Alberto; Garmendia, Amuitz
De-centring populism: an empirical analysis of the contingent nature of populist discourses
(Sage Journals, 2022-05-25) Roch González, Juan
Multiple voices warn about an analytical deadlock in the field of populism studies mainly due to an excess of description and a lack of contextualisation. Reflecting on the current responses to this impasse, this study presents a framework for contextualising populism and seeks to enrich and expand the potential of populism research. The main argument of this article is that a more dynamic and interactive analytical framework is necessary to show the contingent and fragile nature of populist discourses and complement existing research. To illustrate this approach, the case of Podemos is analysed to show how the populist discourse varies over time for the same populist actor and to what extent this variation responds to contextual pressures. The study concludes that the contingent nature of populism can be related to two main conditions: the variable power over discourse of populist mobilisation and the normative pressures within the political sphere.
Decentralization in Spain: federal evolution and performance of the estado autonómico
(Oxford University Press, 2020-03) Colino Camara, César; Oxford University Press
The chapter seeks to provide an analytical and historical interpretation of the evolution and workings of the Spanish model of decentralization, the Estado autonómico, and its territorial politics, its determinants and consequences. On the basis of a comparative diagnosis and explanation of its territorial model, such as the degree of devolution acquired or its territorial reforms and its dynamics, the chapter utilizes the broad recent literature, legal, political or economic, dealing with the history, institutional design, political operation and consequences of the territorial system in Spain, so as to evaluate the difficulties and governance results of Spain’s version of federalism. After describing the Spanish territorial institutions and dynamics and their mutual relationships and consequences on stability and adaptability, conflict potential and autonomy protection, the chapter argues that the Spanish decentralization model shows both centrifugal and centripetal forces, and features traits of several types of federations, and therefore of problems typically afflicting them.
The Decline of the Spanish National Identity during the Economic Crisis
(Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas) Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia María; Romero Portillo, Daniel; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la fuerza y la naturaleza de la identidad nacional española entre dos años, 2002 y 2015, antes y después de la crisis económica iniciada en 2008. Existe una correlación entre los factores económicos y la identidad nacional española, de manera que esta se ha debilitado durante el periodo analizado y han perdido peso relativo en ella algunos elementos cívicos. Para testar el peso específico de la crisis económica en esta evolución se realiza un análisis de cohortes ficticias en el que se relaciona la evolución del poder adquisitivo salarial de los diferentes grupos de edad con la evolución de su sentimiento de identidad nacional. Por otra parte, se analiza la evolución del sentimiento de orgullo de ser español en relación con el de otros factores individuales sociodemográficos y políticos. Finalmente se investiga el cambio en las dimensiones de la identidad nacional española.
Del Greater Europe al Greater Eurasia: el Pivot to Asia de Rusia tras la crisis de Ucrania
(Tirant lo Blanch, 2019) Ruiz Ramas, Rubén
Democracia y redes sociales
(Círculo de Empresarios, 2020) Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio; Lapuente, Víctor; Costas, Elena
Democracy and federalism in Spain: Interactions, tensions and compatibilities
(Toronto University Press, 2021) Colino Camara, César; Toronto University Press
Desinformación: democracia, plataformas y agentes extranjeros
(Los libros de la Catarata, 2020-12-22) Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio; Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio; Hobbs, Carla
Disagreeing to Agree: Populism and Consensus Among Members of Parliaments and Their Voters
(Sage Publications, 2024) Pamies, Carles; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Santana, Andrés; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4993-2178; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2594-1360
Populism is theoretically associated with an antagonistic interpretation of politics. Populists tend to morally delegitimize their adversaries, exhibit “bad manners” toward them, and sometimes even try to exclude them from “the people.” They are also more inclined to prioritize radical policy and institutional changes. Therefore, populism appears to be directly at odds with consensus politics. This research aims to empirically test this relationship. Using two original surveys focused on the Spanish context, we investigate the relationship between populist attitudes and the propensity to consensual political solutions, examining both citizens and their political representatives. Our results confirm that populist attitudes contribute to low support for consensual approaches toward politics among both members of parliament (MPs) and citizens, but this relationship depends on the individual’s specific dimensions of populism. Anti-systemic and moral Manichaean attitudes are associated with less consensual preferences both for MPs and citizens, whereas people-centrist and identitarian populist attitudes exhibit this negative effect only among citizens. These results provide new insights into the ramifications of populist attitudes and underscore the importance of empirically examining the concept of populism across its various dimensions.
Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to Brexit
(SAGE Publications, 2020-01-03) van Kessel, Stijn; Chelotti, Nicola; Drake, Helen; Roch González, Juan; Rodi, Patricia; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7853-5871
Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
Europeanization in the shadow of the financial crisis: disruptive effects on the Spanish party system
(Universitat Oberta de Catalunya = Universidad Oberta de Cataluña, UOC, 2017-02) Roch González, Juan
De manera general, s’entén que l’europeïtzació és un procés d’adaptació gradual de les polítiques, les institucions o els actors polítics nacionals als reglaments o les normatives de la Unió Europea (UE), freqüentment vinculat a processos de democratització. No obstant això, existeixen aplicacions potencials d’aquest concepte a situacions de crisi en què els agents nacionals tenen poc marge de maniobra. En aquestes ocasions, l’adaptació progressiva pot donar lloc a pressions per a l’aplicació de reglaments i normatives de la UE, i això pot tenir efectes pertorbadors en els sistemes polítics nacionals. Amb aquest article pretenem fer llum en aquests processos a Espanya durant els anys de la gran recessió i avaluar-ne l’impacte en el sistema de partits espanyol. L’objectiu principal d’aquest estudi és, per tant, identificar les etapes fonamentals dels processos d’europeïtzació de la política espanyola durant els anys 2010-2012. En una segona part, s’analitza l’articulació de la resposta a aquests processos per part dels moviments de protesta i, especialment, del partit polític Podem en la seva fase inicial. S’ha emprat el model d’estudi de casos per aprofundir en el context de la política espanyola en temps de crisi. S’han recopilat i analitzat documents oficials d’institucions nacionals de la UE així com diversos discursos de l’esmentat partit polític. Els resultats de l’estudi suggereixen connexions entre els processos d’europeïtzació i els canvis en la competència partidista nacional a Espanya. A més, identifiquen l’europeïtzació a Espanya com a un procés pertorbador que afavoreix l’aparició de discursos antisistema.
Explaining Change in Citizens’ Preferences About Intergovernmental Responsibilities During the COVID-19 Crisis: The Case of Spain
(ISSN 2562-8429, 2024-12-09) Colino Camara, César; Cruz Martínez, Gibrán; del Pino, Eloísa; Hernández Moreno, Jorge; Carleton University
The COVID-19 pandemic brought about some extraordinary shifts in citizens’ preferences about intergovernmental responsibilities in several federal states and has therefore provided an especially interesting context to contribute to the ongoing debate about the scope, direction, and determinants of attitudinal change in citizens’ preferences in situations of protracted crisis. Although there is evidence of the role of partisanship and some other factors during normal times, the importance that partisanship may have with respect to other factors in accounting for changes in citizens’ preferences during these crises still needs to be established. Does partisanship account for attitudinal changes during a crisis, or do citizens have other predispositions, such as individual core beliefs about federalism, perceptions of government performance, or trust in government, which could account for the scope and direction of these changes? The article relies on an original national survey of 7,175 respondents collected during the transition from the first to the second wave of the pandemic in Spain and examines the shift in citizens’ preferences in three policy domains: healthcare, nursing homes, lockdown declaration and management. It finds that partisanship and attribution of responsibility are relevant to explaining shifts in preferences for intergovernmental responsibilities, whereas, contrary to expectations, individual beliefs about autonomism are not significant. The authors’ findings contribute to the broader literature on the configuration of public preferences for multilevel governments and to understanding blame management and accountability during crisis situations in federal democracies.

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