Producción científica

URI permanente para esta comunidad

hdl:123456789/1

Examinar

Mostrando 1 - 20 de 20

An energy union without interconnections? Public acceptance of cross-border interconnectors in four European countries
(Elsevier, 2023-03-01) Lázaro Touza, Lara; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego
Despite the importance of achieving a functioning and decarbonised European Energy Union (EnU) research addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections at a European-wide level based upon public opinion polls is limited. To try to fill this gap in the literature, this article relies on a poll with 4000 respondents from the four big EU energy markets: France, Germany, Italy and Spain, including as a new explanatory variable their proximity to an electrical cross-border substation. Overall, 57,4% respondents have not heard about energy interconnections, and 69,2% have not ever heard about the internal energy market. Approaching public acceptance from a procedural justice framework, the article considers procedural justice as a pre-condition? For a fair policy-making process. By addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections, the article aims to contribute to the existing literature on their linkages of said interconnections with the European energy policy-making process, deriving specific policy implications to foster cross-border interconnections and energy integration within the EnU.
COVID-19: a political virus? VOX’s populist discourse in times of crisis
(Frontiers, 2021-06-18) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rama, José
Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.
El debilitamiento de la identidad nacional española durante la crisis económica
(Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas) Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia María; Romero Portillo, Daniel; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la fuerza y la naturaleza de la identidad nacional española entre dos años, 2002 y 2015, antes y después de la crisis económica iniciada en 2008. Existe una correlación entre los factores económicos y la identidad nacional española, de manera que esta se ha debilitado durante el periodo analizado y han perdido peso relativo en ella algunos elementos cívicos. Para testar el peso específico de la crisis económica en esta evolución se realiza un análisis de cohortes ficticias en el que se relaciona la evolución del poder adquisitivo salarial de los diferentes grupos de edad con la evolución de su sentimiento de identidad nacional. Por otra parte, se analiza la evolución del sentimiento de orgullo de ser español en relación con el de otros factores individuales sociodemográficos y políticos. Finalmente se investiga el cambio en las dimensiones de la identidad nacional española.
La emigración española cualificada tras la crisis. Una comparación con la italiana, griega y portuguesa.
(Universidad Pontificia Comillas, 2017-12-22) Martínez Romera, Jose Pablo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
El artículo presenta un análisis de la emigración española cualificada reciente en comparación con la procedente de Italia, Grecia y Portugal. La fuente utilizada es una encuesta europea que entrevistó a 6.387 personas procedentes de los cuatro países de Europa del Sur. Se ha indagado en los motivos de la emigración, en la situación laboral y de ingresos en el país de origen y de destino, en la frecuencia del registro consular y las dificultades experimentadas en la integración. Los españoles han resistido en su país más tiempo que los demás nacionales antes de tomar la decisión de emigrar, su salida ha estado más motivada por el desempleo y se encuentran en una peor situación en el país de destino, están allí en paro con mayor frecuencia y reciben ingresos inferiores. Su dominio del idioma del país de destino es menor y ello causa a los españoles mayores dificultades de todo tipo, laborales y vitales.
A fence of opportunity: on how Vox radical right populist narratives frame and fuel crises in the border between Spain and Morocco
(John Benjamins, 2024-03-07) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This article deconstructs the parliamentary discourses regarding two migratory incidents in Ceuta, May 2021, and Melilla, June 2022, when hundreds of people attempted to cross the fences that separate Morocco from Spain. Most of them were immediately deported, many injured, and several died. This analysis compares the density of populist, anti-populist, re-bordering, and de-bordering references in forty-five speeches at the Spanish Congress regarding both tragic events. Vox speakers articulate a distinct discourse that instrumentalises these incidents to convey a sense of existential crisis and to (re)define a populist right-wing political identity based on moral hierarchies, a homogenising conception of society and the exclusion of a dangerous “other.” Meanwhile some parties applied a populist logic to promote de-bordering views and others combined re-bordering and de-bordering claims without imposing a populist frame. This was an opportunity to exhibit a progressive sense of place in borderlands contrasting with Vox’s reactionary one.
From chasing populists to deconstructing populism: a new multidimensional approach to understanding and comparing populism.
(Wiley, 2020-11-21) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This paper challenges some widespread theoretical assumptions and practices in the study of populism and proposes a new multidimensional approach to generate and analyse data on this latent construct. Rather than focusing on categorising subjects as populists or not, it recommends reaching a better understanding of what populism is, the salience and relative weight of its attributes and how they interact creating an inner populist logic. Despite the increasing media and academic attention, historical discrepancies in how to conceptualise and operationalise populism have hindered cumulative progress in the literature. Initially most efforts were devoted to the study of specific movements, without a clear comparative angle, and the concept of populism was often conflated with that of nationalism. When the literature started to pay more attention to the analysis of the attributes associated with populism serious disagreements emerged concerning its true essence. Populism has been conceptualised as an ideology, a cynical strategy, a performative style and a discursive logic of articulation. The disputes between these competing interpretations have arguably slowed down the generation of comparative data. Although this article is meant to be a critique of the current state of the field and a call to make it pivot into a slightly different direction, it does not adopt an iconoclast stance and largely tries to reconcile the different existing research traditions – ideational, discursive, performative and strategic. It shows that their efforts are to a great extent complementary but mostly operating on different rungs of the ladder of abstraction. This paper argues that shifting from minimal definitions into a multidimensional approach may stimulate the generation of comparative data on a wider range of attributes and facilitate the identification of degrees and varieties within populism. This paper develops a new analytical framework which deconstructs populism into five dimensions: (1) depiction of the polity, (2) morality, (3) construction of society, (4) sovereignty and (5) leadership. These dimensions, that synthesise the most influential conceptualisations of populism, are empirically and theoretically interconnected and encompass ideational, discursive and performative attributes suggested in the literature. These dimensions are in turn composed of lower order attributes forming a multilayered network structure. This multidimensional framework provides a heuristic template that can be adapted and operationalised in diverse ways depending on the hypotheses, type of data and subjects of the analysis. Some examples of how to turn these dimensions into variables to capture supply- and demand-side populism are introduced. Future empirical research could help map and better understand the network of interactions and intersections among these dimensions and attributes. This could be the key to settle some of the current conceptual debates about populism and its varieties.
Learning to Catch the Wave? Regional Demands for Constitutional Change in Contexts of Asymmetrical Arrangements
(Taylor & Francis, 2011-11-23) Hombrado Martos, Angustias María
Constitutional reforms affecting the asymmetrical allocation of powers between the constituent units of a federal or quasi-federal state have been generally studied as a bilateral relationship between the federal government and the region(s) asking for special treatment. In contrast, this paper examines the crucial role that non-specially empowered regions can play in these processes by raising anti-asymmetry reactions in the form of ‘catching-up’ and ‘blocking’ demands. A theoretical argument is developed concerning the causal mechanism linking several relevant conditions together (type of asymmetry, the distribution of national identities across regions, relative economic development and party politics) and lying between them and the alternative outcomes.
Narcisismo colectivo, populismo y perfiles políticos en Andalucía y Cataluña
(Fundación CENTRA, 2022-02-27) Arias, Manuel; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Clari, Enrique; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1448-4379; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2941-0332
Este artículo analiza la relación entre populismo y narcisismo colectivo a partir de los datos empíricos proporcionados por una encuesta de opinión realizada en Andalucía y Cataluña. Por narcisimo colectivo hay que entender la creencia de que el grupo al que se pertenece es excepcional y carece del reconocimiento que merece. En principio, cabría esperar que el narcisismo colectivo fuese un predictor del populismo, ya que este último se basa en la creación de un antagonismo moralista entre el pueblo auténtico y sus enemigos. Los resultados de la encuesta sugieren que la relación entre narcisismo, populismo e identidades es compleja y se encuentra mediada por factores contextuales de carácter social y político; así sucede con la identificación lingüística en Cataluña en el marco del conflicto separatista. Hallazgo adicional del trabajo es la insuficiencia de la escala de Akkerman et al. (2014) a la hora de identificar el populismo de izquierda.
La opinión pública ante la inmigración y el efecto de VOX
(Real Instituto Elcano, 2021-03-16) Rinken, Sebastian; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Se analiza aquí la evolución en los últimos años de la opinión pública española ante la inmigración con la aportación de varias encuestas, la más reciente de ellas realizada a finales de 2020. Se constata un ligero aumento de las actitudes negativas ante la inmigración, pero no está claro hasta qué punto eso se debe a la presencia institucional de VOX, ni en qué medida deba atribuirse a la crisis económica provocada por el COVID- 19 o la llegada de inmigrantes irregulares a Canarias. En cambio, el impacto de VOX es palpable en la creciente polarización ideológica de las opiniones, tendencia esta que dificulta un debate racional sobre la inmigración y su gestión.
Populism Analytical Tools to Unearth the Roots of Euroscepticism
(Sage Journals, 2023-10-09) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
Populist leaders around the globe magnify pre-existing frustrations and dramatise crises to erode confidence in elites and institutions. They adapt their othering and blame attribution discourses to specific geographical realities to take advantage of local problems and prejudices. Most Eurosceptic parties apply a similar populist logic of articulation simplifying political problems, morally delegitimising their political adversaries and supranational institutions, appealing to an idealised and somewhat homogeneous notion of society as well as presenting popular sovereignty as threatened by Brussels and mainstream parties. Populism literature has developed theories and measurement tools that are very useful to explain the emergence of Eurosceptic movements and to what extent their narratives resonate with citizen’s pre-existing attitudes and/or contribute to shaping them. This article shows the value of using populism as an epistemic framework to analyse Euroscepticism and understand how parties tailor their messages (supply-side) to trigger specific beliefs and behaviours (demand-side) in the inhabitants of different geographic contexts.
Populism and Borders: Tools for Constructing “The People” and Legitimizing Exclusion
(Routledge. Taylor & Francis Group, 2022-06-08) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This article argues theoretically and illustrates empirically that the “border” and “populism” are mutually constitutive concepts and should be considered as epistemic frameworks to understand each other. It compares quantitatively and qualitatively the electoral manifestos of four radical right parties —Vox, RN, UKIP, and Brexit Party—, and shows that borders are basic factors in the process of decontestation of “the people” and construction of exclusion-inclusion narratives. Likewise, this analysis exemplifies how (re)bordering claims are usually justified and articulated via populist discursive elements such as antagonism, morality, idealization of society, popular sovereignty and personalistic leadership. This article demonstrates that the border can become a method to study populism and vice versa and that crossfertilization between the borders and populism literatures is desirable. Further research is needed to understand whether populists’ selective instrumentalization of borders and equivalential logic leads to a non-binary hierarchical “othering” and the emergence of a populist “meta-us”.
Populism at the UN: comparing Netanyahu's and Abbas's speeches, 2010-19
(Taylor and Francis Group, 2024-04-23) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Burton, Guy; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4361-3678
Populism impacts policy choices and may contribute to fuelling crises and limiting the prospects for conflict resolution. This paper applies a multidimensional populism theoretical framework to compare quantitatively and qualitatively 18 speeches by Mahmoud Abbas and Benjamin Netanyahu at the United Nations General Assembly between 2010 and 2019. Our analysis shows that while both Abbas and Netanyahu use populist language—mostly focused on antagonistic, moral and idealised depictions of the ‘people’ and the ‘other’—the latter consistently displayed a greater density of populist references in his UN speeches over the period analysed. Netanyahu’s discourses were both more aggressive and exclusionary and made more allusions to religion and securitisation than those of the Palestinian leader. His framing essentialised the ‘us’ (‘the Jewish people’) as threatened by an ‘enemy’; what he called ‘militant Islam’. By contrast, Abbas referred more to borders as a requirement for statehood. Their different communicative frames and language suggest discrepant worldviews. Abbas’s speeches reflected a more ‘liberal’ conception of international relations, relying more on international cooperation, institutions, and regulation to resolve the Palestinian question, while Netanyahu conveyed a realpolitik stance and stressed his concerns with external threats and willingness to act unilaterally.
Populismo en España: Fundamentos Teóricos y Relatos Dominantes
(Universidad de Sevilla, 2021-05-01) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
El populismo se ha convertido en uno de los fenómenos políticos que más preocupan y, dada su complejidad, uno de los más controvertidos y debatidos actualmente en las ciencias sociales. Este artículo deconstruye y compara los discursos de los partidos políticos españoles que generalmente son clasificados como populistas –el izquierdista Podemos, el derechista Vox y los partidos secesionistas vascos y catalanes, EH Bildu, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya y Junts per Catalunya– de acuerdo a cinco dimensiones del populismo: i) antagonismo, ii) moralidad, iii) construcción idealizada de la sociedad, iv) exaltación de la soberanía popular, y v) liderazgo personalista. Este artículo muestra que, a pesar de las significativas diferencias ideológicas y programáticas, todos estos partidos comparten muchos rasgos discursivos y una manera similar de articular sus comunicaciones, interpretar las dinámicas sociales y políticas, así como de instrumentalizar las crisis para construir nuevas identidades políticas.
Recalibrating populism measurement tools: methodological inconsistencies and challenges to our understanding of the relationship between the supply- and demand-side of populism.
(Frontiers in Sociology, 2022-10-14) Rama Caamaño, José; Olivas Osuna, José Javier
The analysis of the congruence between the demand- and supply-side of populism is key to understand the relationship between citizens and populist parties, and to what extent this is mainly a “pull” or “push” phenomenon. Although the study of populism has experienced an unprecedented growth across social sciences during the last decade, research directly addressing this connection remains scarce. Moreover, most existing tools used to measure populism have not been created paying much consideration to their compatibility with those applied in the other side of this demand-supply divide. This article critically revisits the influential Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) Module 5 dataset to illustrate shortcomings regarding current efforts to measure the demand- and supply-sides of populism. We show that according to CSES data the, often presumed, correspondence between “populist” attitudes and likelihood of voting for “populist parties” is only partial and country specific. But more importantly, we identify three main potential sources of such mismatch linked to instrumental issues: (i) problems with the choice, design and operationalization of attitudinal survey items; (ii) problems in the assessment of parties’ populism; and (iii) instrument biases that make them more effective with some varieties of populism than with others. These methodological limitations are hindering our ability to settle longstanding theoretical debates concerning the correspondence between the demand- and supply-side, the relative centrality of attributes, and varieties of populism. Therefore, we invite scholars working in this field to update existing measurement tools, or develop new ones, considering the multidimensionality of this latent construct, the diversity of movements, and the need to apply consistent criteria and operationalization techniques when assessing degrees of populism in citizens and parties.
Responding to the New Europe and the Crisis: The Adaptation of Sub-national Governments' Strategies and its Effects on Inter-governmental Relations in Spain
(Taylor & Francis, 2014-06-09) Molina, Ignacio; Hombrado Martos, Angustias María; Colino Camara, César
This article analyses the evolution of the institutional setting that the Spanish multi-level system provides for regional European Union (EU) adaptation, and the effects that recent developments of the EU (the Eastern enlargement, the Treaty reform process and the Euro-zone crisis) have had on the more or less pro-European positions and adaptive strategies of Spanish regions and on inter-governmental arrangements. It thus describes the increasing institutionalization of regional participation and EU policy coordination, both at the domestic and supra-national level, and the evolution of regional strategies, looking at its effects both on the degree of vertical and horizontal coordination, and the actual relative power and discretion of both levels of government. It argues that regional strategies have increasingly become more defensive and less pro-European and that increasing participation in European matters seemed to have favoured multi-lateralism and increased coordination without having produced further centralization until the recent crisis and associated budget consolidation targets induced new coordination requirements and a centralization of power towards the central government and EU authorities. This has, as a side-effect, reinforced some centrifugal tendencies of the system and therefore may affect the operation of IGR.
The Determinants of Taxation Innovation Policy in Spain’s Common Regime Autonomous Communities (1986–2018)
(Oxford University Press, 2023-07-05) Toubeau, Simon; Zak Godoy, Deborah; Kolling, Mario
This article studies the determinants of tax innovation in Spain’s Common Regime Autonomous Communities (ACs) over the period 1986–2018, across the different types of taxes included in their “own taxes.” Our central finding is that the introduction of taxes is motivated by politics: ACs governments introduce taxes when governed by left-wing parties or by a coalition government that included a regionalist party. Second, we find that parties in government follow a strategic calculus when introducing new taxes: an approaching election and a previously introduced tax decrease the chances of tax innovation. Third, we find that AC government also respond to functional pressures and introduce new taxes to shore-up their revenues when faced with a budget deficit. Two important negative results to come out of this analysis are that taxation innovation is not sensitive to geographical diffusion or to the availability of alternative source of revenue in the system of territorial financing.
The Multiannual financial framework 2021–2027 and Next Generation EU - A turning point of EU multi-level governance?
(Taylor & Francis, 2023-07-29) Hernández Moreno, Jorge; Kolling, Mario
The agreements on Next Generation EU (NGEU) and the Multiannual Financial Framework 2021–2027 (MFF 2021–2027) are extraordinary milestones for the EU integration process. Not only do both regulations have important redistributive effects within a defined timeframe, but both regulations shape the hierarchy of objectives and instruments of EU budgetary policies. This is particularly true for cohesion policy, which has been characterised as the model of EU multilevel governance (MLG). Drawing on historical institutionalism and Peter Hall’s classification of policy change, this text examines the dynamics of change in MLG. In particular, this research looks at the timing and scope of changes in EU cohesion policy since the 1980s. We ask whether or not the adoption of NGEU and the MFF 2021–2027 is likely to represent a critical juncture for the MLG and to what extent both regulations modify objectives and instruments of cohesion policy.
The Profiteers of Fear? Right-wing Populism and the COVID-19 Crisis in Europe: Spain
(Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2020) Rama Caamaño, José; Olivas Osuna, José Javier
Spain has been one of the countries hardest hit by the Covid-19 crisis in terms of both the number of victims and the economic impact. Thus, on March 13, 2020 the government of Pedro Sánchez decreed a state of alarm, giving way to one of the most restrictive confinements in Europe. Meanwhile, the Spanish right-wing party VOX has clashed hard with the government during the Covid-19 crisis and even filled a no-confidence motion last October, 21st 2020. The party has also encouraged several protests against lockdown last May and October. This study aims to analyse VOX’s behaviour during the Covid-19 crisis and see to what extent it has taken advantage (or not) of the crisis. As VOX is a quite recent political party, the paper comes back on VOX’s trajectory from its foundation in 2013 to 2018/2019, when it gets parliamentary representation. It then focuses on VOX’s actions and discourse, at the Congress and other arena. Having positioned themselves as the radical opposition to Pedro Sánchez’s government during the first wave, where it is assumed that all parties will muck in together, does not seem to have damaged them yet. However, it does not seem as if they have benefited from the situation, at least not in the short term.
The Spanish Exception: Unemployment, inequality and immigration, but no right-wing populist parties
(Real Instituto Elcano, 2017) González Enríquez, María del Carmen
España es excepcional en el panorama político europeo actual, en el que los grupos populistas de derecha, xenófobos, antieuropeos y antiglobalización obtienen relevantes triunfos electorales: a pesar de la crisis económica y de la rápida erosión de la confianza política, en España no ha habido ningún partido populista de derechas que haya obtenido más del 1% del voto en las elecciones generales de los últimos años. ¿Cómo se podría explicar la extraordinaria ausencia de un partido populista de derechas con éxito electoral en España?Utilizando datos publicados (estadísticas y sondeos de opinión), consultas a expertos y resultados de una encuesta original, este estudio de caso analiza diversos factores que influyen en el fracaso del populismo de derechas en España, pese a que el país reúne todos los elementos que suelen presentarse como causa del auge de este tipo de partidos: paro, desigualdad, pobreza, inmigración y descrédito de la clase política. Se analizan varias explicaciones, entre ellas la debilidad de la identidad nacional y el fuerte europeísmo de los españoles.Este informe forma parte del proyecto de investigación Nothing to fear but fear itself?(¿Nada que temer salvo al propio miedo?), una iniciativa del centro de investigación británico Demos, que incluye seis países: Alemania, Polonia, Francia, el Reino Unido, Suecia y España. El informe completo está disponible en (https://www.demos.co.uk/project/nothing-to-fear-but-fear-itself/).
Voting for Your Pocketbook, but against Your Pocketbook? A Study of Brexit at the Local Level
(SAGE, 2021-02-25) Gartzou Katsouyanni, Kira; Kiefel, Max; Olivas Osuna, José Javier
In explaining the outcome of the 2016 EU referendum in the United Kingdom, can theories emphasizing the importance of economic factors be reconciled with the fact that many people appeared to vote against their economic self-interest? This article approaches this puzzle through case study research that draws on fieldwork and a process of reciprocal knowledge exchange with local communities in five local authorities in England and Wales. It argues that the Leave vote can be attributed partly to political discontent associated with trajectories of relative economic decline and deindustrialization. Building on the growing literature about the role of narratives and discourses in navigating uncertainty, it contends that these localized economic experiences, interpreted through local-level narratives, paved the way for local-level discourses of resilience and nationwide optimistic messaging about the economic impacts of Brexit to resonate. Local and national-level discourses discounting the potential economic costs of leaving the European Union played a crucial role in giving precise, somewhat paradoxical, political content to the sense of discontent. The article contributes to the growing focus on place and community in understanding political behavior and invites further research on local discourses linking macro-level trajectories and micro-level voting decisions.

Examinar

Examinando Producción científica por Departamento "Ciencia Política y de la Administración"

Resultados por página

Opciones de ordenación