Artículos y papers

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Adiós a la diplomacia americana
(Fundación Análisis de Política Exterior, 2018-01) Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
An energy union without interconnections? Public acceptance of cross-border interconnectors in four European countries
(Elsevier, 2023-03-01) Lázaro Touza, Lara; Escribano Francés, Gonzalo; González Enríquez, María del Carmen; Paredes Gázquez, Juan Diego
Despite the importance of achieving a functioning and decarbonised European Energy Union (EnU) research addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections at a European-wide level based upon public opinion polls is limited. To try to fill this gap in the literature, this article relies on a poll with 4000 respondents from the four big EU energy markets: France, Germany, Italy and Spain, including as a new explanatory variable their proximity to an electrical cross-border substation. Overall, 57,4% respondents have not heard about energy interconnections, and 69,2% have not ever heard about the internal energy market. Approaching public acceptance from a procedural justice framework, the article considers procedural justice as a pre-condition? For a fair policy-making process. By addressing the public acceptance of cross-border energy interconnections, the article aims to contribute to the existing literature on their linkages of said interconnections with the European energy policy-making process, deriving specific policy implications to foster cross-border interconnections and energy integration within the EnU.
Bridging the Divide Between Structural and Actor-Oriented Explanations of Populism: A Research Agenda for the Study of Populist Euroscepticism Through a Territorial Perspective
(SAGE Publications, 2024) Dunin-Wasowicz, Roch; Crăciun, Claudiu; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rammelt, Henry P.; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6993-3392; https://orcid.org/0009-0005-8977-3847
This article explores the intersection of structural and actor-oriented explanations of populism through a territorial perspective, focusing on populist Euroscepticism. It builds on findings from the ‘Local Mobilisation Against the EU. Territorial Dimensions of Populist Euroscepticism’ (EULOC) project, which examined local drivers and manifestations of populism and Euroscepticism across Europe. The article highlights the importance of analysing both the supply and demand sides of populist Euroscepticism, emphasising the role of geographic inequalities, local socio-economic trajectories and collective identities. By integrating national, regional and local case studies, the article aims to bridge the divide between structural and actor-oriented approaches, offering a more comprehensive understanding of populist Euroscepticism. This approach seeks to prevent reductionist arguments and contributes to broader discussions on political participation, representation and the dynamics of populist movements in Europe. The article underscores the need for nuanced, multi-layered research that considers the unique socio-political dynamics of different regions and the impact of local contexts on the development of Eurosceptic sentiments.
COVID-19: a political virus? VOX’s populist discourse in times of crisis
(Frontiers, 2021-06-18) Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Rama, José
Spain has been one of the hardest hit countries by the COVID-19 pandemic, and this crisis presented a window of opportunity for VOX, as it has for other far right parties, to raise its visibility as opposition force. This paper investigates whether the discourse of VOX has evolved during the pandemic and affected the political dynamics in Spain. This article proposes a new multidimensional strategy to measure the degree of populism in political communications, via quantitative and qualitative content analysis. It dissects the parliamentary speeches of the leader of VOX, Santiago Abascal, in the debates for the approval and extension of the “state of alarm” to fight against COVID-19 between March and June 2020. In order to assess the changes and relative intensity of populist features in Abascal’s parliamentary speeches we compared them with his speech during Pedro Sánchez’s investiture session as the Spanish President of the Government, in January 2020, and VOX’s latest political manifestos—2019 European and Spanish General Elections—, as well as with speeches of the representatives of the five main parties and coalitions during the COVID-19 debates in the Spanish Congress.Our paper shows that populists’ discourses are context-dependent and that their performances are not only shaped by crisis but also constitutive of crisis. The density of populist references in Abascal’s speeches grew steadily during the period analysed. Morality and antagonism overshadowed sovereignty and society as key populist attributes, and the tone of the discourse became increasingly hyperbolic. Moreover, Abascal’s discursive performances had a sort of contagion effect in other parties in the parliamentary sessions studied. People’s Party (Partido Popular–PP) leader Pablo Casado chose to follow VOX and harshly criticized the government, meanwhile the discourses of the speakers of Together We Can (Unidas Podemos–UP) and Catalan Republican Left (Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya–ERC), adopted a demonizing rhetoric against VOX and PP also grounded on a populist logic of articulation. This polarizing dynamic between competing Manichean discourses contributed to reinforce the sense of crisis by adding a political dimension to the already existing health and economic problems.
De-centring populism: an empirical analysis of the contingent nature of populist discourses
(Sage Journals, 2022-05-25) Roch González, Juan
Multiple voices warn about an analytical deadlock in the field of populism studies mainly due to an excess of description and a lack of contextualisation. Reflecting on the current responses to this impasse, this study presents a framework for contextualising populism and seeks to enrich and expand the potential of populism research. The main argument of this article is that a more dynamic and interactive analytical framework is necessary to show the contingent and fragile nature of populist discourses and complement existing research. To illustrate this approach, the case of Podemos is analysed to show how the populist discourse varies over time for the same populist actor and to what extent this variation responds to contextual pressures. The study concludes that the contingent nature of populism can be related to two main conditions: the variable power over discourse of populist mobilisation and the normative pressures within the political sphere.
The Decline of the Spanish National Identity during the Economic Crisis
(Centro de Investigaciones Sociologicas) Ruiz Jiménez, Antonia María; Romero Portillo, Daniel; González Enríquez, María del Carmen
Este artículo analiza la evolución de la fuerza y la naturaleza de la identidad nacional española entre dos años, 2002 y 2015, antes y después de la crisis económica iniciada en 2008. Existe una correlación entre los factores económicos y la identidad nacional española, de manera que esta se ha debilitado durante el periodo analizado y han perdido peso relativo en ella algunos elementos cívicos. Para testar el peso específico de la crisis económica en esta evolución se realiza un análisis de cohortes ficticias en el que se relaciona la evolución del poder adquisitivo salarial de los diferentes grupos de edad con la evolución de su sentimiento de identidad nacional. Por otra parte, se analiza la evolución del sentimiento de orgullo de ser español en relación con el de otros factores individuales sociodemográficos y políticos. Finalmente se investiga el cambio en las dimensiones de la identidad nacional española.
Disagreeing to Agree: Populism and Consensus Among Members of Parliaments and Their Voters
(Sage Publications, 2024) Pamies, Carles; Olivas Osuna, José Javier; Santana, Andrés; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4993-2178; https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2594-1360
Populism is theoretically associated with an antagonistic interpretation of politics. Populists tend to morally delegitimize their adversaries, exhibit “bad manners” toward them, and sometimes even try to exclude them from “the people.” They are also more inclined to prioritize radical policy and institutional changes. Therefore, populism appears to be directly at odds with consensus politics. This research aims to empirically test this relationship. Using two original surveys focused on the Spanish context, we investigate the relationship between populist attitudes and the propensity to consensual political solutions, examining both citizens and their political representatives. Our results confirm that populist attitudes contribute to low support for consensual approaches toward politics among both members of parliament (MPs) and citizens, but this relationship depends on the individual’s specific dimensions of populism. Anti-systemic and moral Manichaean attitudes are associated with less consensual preferences both for MPs and citizens, whereas people-centrist and identitarian populist attitudes exhibit this negative effect only among citizens. These results provide new insights into the ramifications of populist attitudes and underscore the importance of empirically examining the concept of populism across its various dimensions.
Eager to leave? Populist radical right parties’ responses to Brexit
(SAGE Publications, 2020-01-03) van Kessel, Stijn; Chelotti, Nicola; Drake, Helen; Roch González, Juan; Rodi, Patricia; https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7853-5871
Populist radical right parties are naturally Eurosceptic. Many responded positively to the British referendum vote to leave the European Union; various observers even spoke of a potential populist radical right-instigated ‘domino effect’. We ask whether this Brexit-enthusiasm prevailed in the proximate aftermath of the UK referendum, by means of a comparative analysis of populist radical right parties’ national election campaigns in the Netherlands, France, Germany, and Italy. The analysis considers whether the UK referendum result served as an external stimulus for populist radical right parties to harden their Euroscepticism and politicise the issue of European integration. The results show that this has, generally speaking, not been the case, and that Brexit has also not stimulated or amplified calls for leaving the European Union. Relating our findings to literature on the politicisation of European integration and strategic party behaviour, we argue that populist radical right parties had few incentives to act differently given the uninviting political opportunity structure.
Europeanization in the shadow of the financial crisis: disruptive effects on the Spanish party system
(Universitat Oberta de Catalunya = Universidad Oberta de Cataluña, UOC, 2017-02) Roch González, Juan
De manera general, s’entén que l’europeïtzació és un procés d’adaptació gradual de les polítiques, les institucions o els actors polítics nacionals als reglaments o les normatives de la Unió Europea (UE), freqüentment vinculat a processos de democratització. No obstant això, existeixen aplicacions potencials d’aquest concepte a situacions de crisi en què els agents nacionals tenen poc marge de maniobra. En aquestes ocasions, l’adaptació progressiva pot donar lloc a pressions per a l’aplicació de reglaments i normatives de la UE, i això pot tenir efectes pertorbadors en els sistemes polítics nacionals. Amb aquest article pretenem fer llum en aquests processos a Espanya durant els anys de la gran recessió i avaluar-ne l’impacte en el sistema de partits espanyol. L’objectiu principal d’aquest estudi és, per tant, identificar les etapes fonamentals dels processos d’europeïtzació de la política espanyola durant els anys 2010-2012. En una segona part, s’analitza l’articulació de la resposta a aquests processos per part dels moviments de protesta i, especialment, del partit polític Podem en la seva fase inicial. S’ha emprat el model d’estudi de casos per aprofundir en el context de la política espanyola en temps de crisi. S’han recopilat i analitzat documents oficials d’institucions nacionals de la UE així com diversos discursos de l’esmentat partit polític. Els resultats de l’estudi suggereixen connexions entre els processos d’europeïtzació i els canvis en la competència partidista nacional a Espanya. A més, identifiquen l’europeïtzació a Espanya com a un procés pertorbador que afavoreix l’aparició de discursos antisistema.
Explaining Change in Citizens’ Preferences About Intergovernmental Responsibilities During the COVID-19 Crisis: The Case of Spain
(ISSN 2562-8429, 2024-12-09) Colino Camara, César; Cruz Martínez, Gibrán; del Pino, Eloísa; Hernández Moreno, Jorge; Carleton University
The COVID-19 pandemic brought about some extraordinary shifts in citizens’ preferences about intergovernmental responsibilities in several federal states and has therefore provided an especially interesting context to contribute to the ongoing debate about the scope, direction, and determinants of attitudinal change in citizens’ preferences in situations of protracted crisis. Although there is evidence of the role of partisanship and some other factors during normal times, the importance that partisanship may have with respect to other factors in accounting for changes in citizens’ preferences during these crises still needs to be established. Does partisanship account for attitudinal changes during a crisis, or do citizens have other predispositions, such as individual core beliefs about federalism, perceptions of government performance, or trust in government, which could account for the scope and direction of these changes? The article relies on an original national survey of 7,175 respondents collected during the transition from the first to the second wave of the pandemic in Spain and examines the shift in citizens’ preferences in three policy domains: healthcare, nursing homes, lockdown declaration and management. It finds that partisanship and attribution of responsibility are relevant to explaining shifts in preferences for intergovernmental responsibilities, whereas, contrary to expectations, individual beliefs about autonomism are not significant. The authors’ findings contribute to the broader literature on the configuration of public preferences for multilevel governments and to understanding blame management and accountability during crisis situations in federal democracies.
A fence of opportunity: on how Vox radical right populist narratives frame and fuel crises in the border between Spain and Morocco
(John Benjamins, 2024-03-07) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This article deconstructs the parliamentary discourses regarding two migratory incidents in Ceuta, May 2021, and Melilla, June 2022, when hundreds of people attempted to cross the fences that separate Morocco from Spain. Most of them were immediately deported, many injured, and several died. This analysis compares the density of populist, anti-populist, re-bordering, and de-bordering references in forty-five speeches at the Spanish Congress regarding both tragic events. Vox speakers articulate a distinct discourse that instrumentalises these incidents to convey a sense of existential crisis and to (re)define a populist right-wing political identity based on moral hierarchies, a homogenising conception of society and the exclusion of a dangerous “other.” Meanwhile some parties applied a populist logic to promote de-bordering views and others combined re-bordering and de-bordering claims without imposing a populist frame. This was an opportunity to exhibit a progressive sense of place in borderlands contrasting with Vox’s reactionary one.
Friends or foes? Europe and ‘the people’ in the representations of populist parties
(Sage Journals, 2020-08-17) Roch González, Juan
This article seeks to shine a light on the diversity of populist discourses about Europe and the European Union (EU). It is built upon the existing literature on populist Euroscepticism to elaborate on two underexplored aspects of the relationship between populist discourses and EU contestation. First, it explores the variable and even ambivalent representations of the EU and its main political processes exhibited by populist actors. Second, it focuses on the precise relationship between populism and the representations of the EU to determine whether there is a hierarchical relation, reciprocal influence, or they function as separated ideational ensembles. This research takes a corpus-assisted approach to discourse analysis that is based on the exploration of manifestos and party leadership speeches between 2013 and 2017 of Podemos in Spain, a left-wing populist party, and the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, a right-wing populist party. The findings reveal that the populist discourse has variable effects on the forms of EU contestation depending on its centrality and that ambivalence is a crucial feature to capture the forms of EU contestation of populist parties. Finally, the article draws several theoretical implications for the research on populism and EU contestation.
From chasing populists to deconstructing populism: a new multidimensional approach to understanding and comparing populism.
(Wiley, 2020-11-21) Olivas Osuna, José Javier
This paper challenges some widespread theoretical assumptions and practices in the study of populism and proposes a new multidimensional approach to generate and analyse data on this latent construct. Rather than focusing on categorising subjects as populists or not, it recommends reaching a better understanding of what populism is, the salience and relative weight of its attributes and how they interact creating an inner populist logic. Despite the increasing media and academic attention, historical discrepancies in how to conceptualise and operationalise populism have hindered cumulative progress in the literature. Initially most efforts were devoted to the study of specific movements, without a clear comparative angle, and the concept of populism was often conflated with that of nationalism. When the literature started to pay more attention to the analysis of the attributes associated with populism serious disagreements emerged concerning its true essence. Populism has been conceptualised as an ideology, a cynical strategy, a performative style and a discursive logic of articulation. The disputes between these competing interpretations have arguably slowed down the generation of comparative data. Although this article is meant to be a critique of the current state of the field and a call to make it pivot into a slightly different direction, it does not adopt an iconoclast stance and largely tries to reconcile the different existing research traditions – ideational, discursive, performative and strategic. It shows that their efforts are to a great extent complementary but mostly operating on different rungs of the ladder of abstraction. This paper argues that shifting from minimal definitions into a multidimensional approach may stimulate the generation of comparative data on a wider range of attributes and facilitate the identification of degrees and varieties within populism. This paper develops a new analytical framework which deconstructs populism into five dimensions: (1) depiction of the polity, (2) morality, (3) construction of society, (4) sovereignty and (5) leadership. These dimensions, that synthesise the most influential conceptualisations of populism, are empirically and theoretically interconnected and encompass ideational, discursive and performative attributes suggested in the literature. These dimensions are in turn composed of lower order attributes forming a multilayered network structure. This multidimensional framework provides a heuristic template that can be adapted and operationalised in diverse ways depending on the hypotheses, type of data and subjects of the analysis. Some examples of how to turn these dimensions into variables to capture supply- and demand-side populism are introduced. Future empirical research could help map and better understand the network of interactions and intersections among these dimensions and attributes. This could be the key to settle some of the current conceptual debates about populism and its varieties.
From qualified to conspirative Euroscepticism: how the German AfD frames the EU in multiple crisis
(Taylor and Francis Group; Routledge, 2023-10-31) Roch González, Juan
Research on Euroscepticism tends to portray parties opposing European integration or criticising the European Union (EU) as a family of Eurosceptic parties (either hard or soft). Recent literature, however, offers empirical evidence on the ambivalence and diversity of the EU critique. What is still unclear are the reasons behind the chameleonic nature of Euroscepticism and the implications that this may have for the EU critique and the changes proposed about EU policy or institutions. The present article addresses this question exploring the role of EU crises to capture the changing nature of Euroscepticism and suggests that it is related to contextual pressures on the political debate around the EU. The paper develops this argument and illustrates it through the analysis of the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, covering the EU crises of the last decade, including the recent period of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine invasion. Drawing on a corpus of party manifestos and speeches between 2013 and 2022, this study shows that there are three main frames used by the party to criticise the EU. It also concludes that these frames involve distinct political implications for the EU critique and the alternative proposals presented by the party.
Funerales y memoriales de líderes históricos en las transiciones española y chilena
(Casa de Velázquez, 2024) León, Guillermo; Infante Batiste, Valentina; Aguilar Fernández, Paloma
Hora de volver
(Fundación Análisis de Política Exterior, 2022-11-01) Hobbs, Carla; Torreblanca Payá, José Ignacio
La Unión Europea debe revitalizar su relación con América Latina y el Caribe impulsando una alianza digital que, además de ayudar a la región a afrontar sus desafíos de conectividad, contrarreste la creciente influencia china y rusa.
La excepción española: el fracaso de los grupos de derecha populista pese al paro, la desigualdad y la inmigración
(Real Instituto Elcano, 2017) González Enríquez, María del Carmen
España es excepcional en el panorama político europeo actual, en el que los grupos populistas de derecha, xenófobos, antieuropeos y antiglobalización obtienen relevantes triunfos electorales: a pesar de la crisis económica y de la rápida erosión de la confianza política, en España no ha habido ningún partido populista de derechas que haya obtenido más del 1% del voto en las elecciones generales de los últimos años. ¿Cómo se podría explicar la extraordinaria ausencia de un partido populista de derechas con éxito electoral en España?Utilizando datos publicados (estadísticas y sondeos de opinión), consultas a expertos y resultados de una encuesta original, este estudio de caso analiza diversos factores que influyen en el fracaso del populismo de derechas en España, pese a que el país reúne todos los elementos que suelen presentarse como causa del auge de este tipo de partidos: paro, desigualdad, pobreza, inmigración y descrédito de la clase política. Se analizan varias explicaciones, entre ellas la debilidad de la identidad nacional y el fuerte europeísmo de los españoles.Este informe forma parte del proyecto de investigación Nothing to fear but fear itself?(¿Nada que temer salvo al propio miedo?), una iniciativa del centro de investigación británico Demos, que incluye seis países: Alemania, Polonia, Francia, el Reino Unido, Suecia y España. El informe completo está disponible en (https://www.demos.co.uk/project/nothing-to-fear-but-fear-itself/).
Learning to Catch the Wave? Regional Demands for Constitutional Change in Contexts of Asymmetrical Arrangements
(Taylor & Francis, 2011-11-23) Hombrado Martos, Angustias M
Constitutional reforms affecting the asymmetrical allocation of powers between the constituent units of a federal or quasi-federal state have been generally studied as a bilateral relationship between the federal government and the region(s) asking for special treatment. In contrast, this paper examines the crucial role that non-specially empowered regions can play in these processes by raising anti-asymmetry reactions in the form of ‘catching-up’ and ‘blocking’ demands. A theoretical argument is developed concerning the causal mechanism linking several relevant conditions together (type of asymmetry, the distribution of national identities across regions, relative economic development and party politics) and lying between them and the alternative outcomes.
Left-wing Populism in Spain: Discursive Formations on the European Union
(International Association for Political Science Students (IPSA), 2017-08-25) Roch González, Juan
This article examines the discursive appeal of Podemos, an allegedly left-wing “populist party” in Spain, to European Union (EU) issues. It analyses the political discourse of this party on the EU focusing on specific points of rupture of the hegemonic discourses in the Spanish political system. Literature on party politics and populism offers empirical evidence about the emergence of traditional right-wing populist parties and new left-wing populist parties in Europe; scholars have also studied the Eurosceptic tendency of right-wing populist parties. However, little attention has been paid to the discursive approach of left-wing populist parties to the EU. Using discourse analysis, this study illuminates the points of rupture of the hegemonic discursive formations in Spain and identifies the articulatory practices of Podemos on EU issues. The results indicate that the EU is integrated in an ambivalent way in the dichotomist discourse of Podemos and its antagonist view of society.
Mobilization capacity and violence against local leaders: Anticlerical violence during the Spanish Civil War
(Sage Journals, 2024) Aguilar Fernández, Paloma; de la Cuesta, Fernando; Sánchez Cuenca, Ignacio; Villamil, Francisco
Research on civilian victimization usually treats all civilians as a unitary group. But not all civilians are the same, nor are they killed for the same reasons. This study highlights a form of wartime civilian victimization that is little understood, even if pervasive across conflicts: violence against local leaders. We argue that this category of civilians are pre-emptively targeted because of their potential to mobilize support. Local leaders with greater mobilization capacity are more likely to be killed. We test this argument using original data on clergy killings during the Spanish Civil War. Results show that clerics were more likely to be killed in municipalities where their capacity for mobilizing people against the Republic was higher, making themselves a potential threat to local armed actors. This study highlights the need to disaggregate the category of civilians, which has suffered from conceptual and empirical overaggregation.

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