Persona: Hierro De Lecea, Pablo Del
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Hierro De Lecea
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Pablo Del
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Publicación Converging forces: social movements and the origins of permanent education policy in francophone Belgium(Taylor & Francis, 2022-11-21) Heidemann, Kai A.; Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelThis article looks at how social movements in francophone Belgium shaped the institutional contours of adult education ‘from below’. It focuses on the integral role played by progressive social movements in the creation of a regional state-based system of adult education in 1976, known as the Service de l’Éducation Permanente (SdEP). Blending historical and sociological methods, it is shown that the SdEP emerged when a movement-based legacy of popular education initially forged as an extension of the labour movement in the francophone community during the late nineteenth century converged with new sets of movement-based actors and ideas emanating from a contentious wave of youth- and student-led protest around 1968. Additional insight is also given into a series of political processes that empowered the efforts of social movement actors working in the field of adult education: regionalisation and Europeanisation.Publicación Writing a Transnational (Global?) History of Extradition Law in the Short Twentieth Century: Beyond Western-Centric Approaches(Brill Academic Publishers, 2023-04-11) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo Del; Lixinski, LucasThe article examines the history of extradition in the twentieth century, to call for a broader engagement with extradition law not only as an under-explored chapter in international law in its own right, but also as a pathway to think more deeply about world-ruling projects. Extradition law, normally thought of as primarily bilateral, in fact has a long and rich history of multilateral engagement. This tension between multilateralism and bilateralism, we argue, showcases the role of technique to hide political projects in international law-making, as well as showcasing the need to include more non-Eurocentric voices in our narratives about the design of international law instruments and institutions. European nations in the period we survey were more invested in bilateral efforts, claiming the impossibility of multilateral treaty-making in extradition law; yet, Latin American states successfully undertook multiple initiatives in this realm, which are often excluded from mainstream narratives, at the cost of buying into a biased narrative of bilateral treaties that neglects how extradition law has been used to shape and hide key political tensions. In light of these findings, the article puts forth a research agenda that takes extradition more seriously into our accounts of the evolution of international law.Publicación ‘From Brest to Bucharest’: Neofascist transnational networks during the long 1970s(Taylor & Francis, 2022-06-07) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelThis paper focuses on the transnational neofascist network during the long 1970s. Specifically, it revolves around the period between the consolidation of the generational change (made explicit in 1968), and the beginning of the 1980s, when many of these political actors decided to migrate to South America, increasingly aware of the shortcomings of their European project. From a spatial perspective, this paper concentrates on the concept of a ‘Third Force Europe’, paying particular attention to Latin connections, especially France, Italy, Spain and Portugal – countries which remained at the forefront of the network. The main premise will be that the new generation of neofascist militants that was beginning to dominate the political stage during the 1960s was dissatisfied with the old ways in which neofascist groups were conducting politics, thus becoming determined to find a place to be politically active outside the traditional parties; in fact, they needed to find their own political space vis-à-vis the more nostalgic older generation. This physical space would eventually be found in Italy, Spain, Portugal and many Latin American countries which had offered a safe refuge for the older fascists who had wanted not only to escape, but also to settle down and consolidate a series of political and personal relationships which they had established over the past two decades. From a strategic perspective, the growing dissatisfaction would also create a new form of struggle: black terrorism. This terrorism became widespread in Europe in the late 1960s and 1970s and, as a result of this, many neofascists were forced to flee their countries to find refuge, once again, in Spain, Portugal and Latin America. This diaspora would further enhance transnational neofascist cooperation that would reach one of its high points between 1969 and 1981.Publicación Poisoned Partnership: The International Mercury Cartel and Spanish-Italian Relations, 1945-1954(Cambridge University Press, 2021-03-03) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo Del; Strorli, SpenThis article investigates the development of the Spanish–Italian mercury cartel from the end of World War II to the mid-1950s. Previous literature has singled out the cartel as one of the most robust international cartels of the twentieth century, but as this article shows, the cartel broke down toward the end of the 1940s, and although briefly reestablished in 1954, it quickly dissolved again. Building on access to original source material from archives in Spain, Italy, the United States, and United Kingdom, we investigate the underlying reasons why the cartel broke down, and how and why it was eventually reestablished. Because both the main Italian and the Spanish mercury producers were state-owned, this article pays special attention to the influence of the political relations between Spain and Italy on the development of the cartel. The study of the mercury cartel is used as a prism to investigate the point where industry strategies meet government strategies. This article thus contributes to two major strands of literature, both to the business history literature on international cartels in the post-1945 world and to the diplomatic history literature on the intricate relationship between Spain and Italy in the early phase of the Cold War.Publicación The End of the Affair: The International Dispute over the Deportation of Degrelle from Spain to Belgium, 1945–1946(Taylor & Francis, 2021-01-07) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelThe aim of this article is to study the evolution of the multilateral negotiations aimed at the expulsion of Leon Degrelle between 1945 and 1946, in an attempt to understand why Britain and the USA failed to obtain his repatriation. By following an international history approach, this article shows how legal concepts like extradition, repatriation or expulsion were, by the end of World War II, insufficiently developed to deal with the intricacies of prosecuting war criminals who had fled their countries of origins. Furthermore, this paper will underscore how those legal concepts became more about diplomacy than law, with the foreign-affairs branches of domestic governments interfering with matters that traditionally pertained to the judiciary power. The sensitivity of the Leon Degrelle case, the prominent position that he had had in Belgium, together with the need to readjust relations with the Francoist regime in the context of deteriorating relations between Western countries and the Soviet Union, forced the governments in London and Washington to tread very carefully in order to balance their national interests with the defence of justice and human rights. Ultimately, the pragmatic approach adopted by the Anglo-American authorities explains why Degrelle was not extradited to Belgium in 1945-1946.Publicación El tándem Sangróniz-Ponce de León. La acción cultural española en Italia durante el primer franquismo, 1945-1952(Asociación de Historiadores del Presente y UNED, 2013-06-30) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelEl objetivo de este artículo será analizar la labor llevada a cabo por el embajador español en Roma (José Antonio de Sangróniz) y el consejero cultural (Mario Ponce de León) entre los años 1945 y 1952, en un esfuerzo por entender la acción cultural española hacia Italia en los primeros años tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Al mismo tiempo, este artículo tratará de evaluar las consecuencias de la acción cultural española en Italia comprobando si fue capaz de cambiar las imágenes y percepciones que la sociedad italiana tenía de España. En este sentido, discutiremos las limitaciones de una política cultural que, a pesar del apoyo institucional que recibió formalmente, realmente no tenía claros unos objetivos a medio o largo plazo que fuesen más allá de la supervivencia del régimen de Franco.Publicación Madrid, metrópolis (neo)fascista. Vidas secretas, rutas de escape, negocios oscuros y violencia política (1939-1982)(Crítica, 2023-06-21) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelDe la mano de Pablo del Hierro redescubrimos un Madrid que actuó como centro de negocios oscuros a menudo vinculados al mundo del arte, como refugio seguro para jerarcas fascistas donde la naciente justicia internacional no se aplicaba, como nodo de las rutas de escape –rutas de ratas— entre la Europa continental y Latinoamérica (y viceversa), y como punto de encuentro de una extrema derecha que no renunciaba al terror mientras aspiraba a incidir nuevamente en el futuro político de sus antiguos países. Simultáneamente al Madrid vital y antifranquista, la capital española se consolidó como la gran urbe de la actividad y el imaginario neofascistas. Rescatar esa historia oscura y abyecta nos permite entender su papel como eslabón imprescindible que conecta la victoria franquista y la dispersión fascista post-1945 con los atentados ultras durante la Transición española y algunos de los amenazantes movimientos de nuestros días.Los grandes regímenes fascistas europeos fueron derrotados en las trincheras de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Sin embargo, muchos de sus paladines lograron esconderse a la espera de tiempos mejores, escapar bajo nuevas identidades a terceros países o reciclarse como peones de la nueva Guerra Fría. Toda esta diversidad de circunstancias convergió, en un momento u otro, en una misma geografía: Madrid. Así, mientras la España franquista intentaba borrar cualquier recuerdo de sus simpatías en favor de Hitler y Mussolini y realinearse como baluarte católico y anticomunista, la capital española ejercía de facto como la principal Metrópolis neofascista.Publicación The Neofascist Network and Madrid, 1945–1953: From City of Refuge to Transnational Hub and Centre of Operations(Cambridge University Press, 2021-12-09) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelThe aim of this paper is to trace the evolution of the neofascist networks from the vantage point, between 1945 and 1953, of Madrid, a city where a myriad of extreme right activists gathered to discuss and promote their cause at a transnational level. Exploring the local socio-political context in which these (neo)-fascists moved, and the networks that they formed, the study delves into the creation of ratlines crucial for fascists to escape from the Allied prosecution once the Second World War was over, the consolidation of the city as a central meeting point for fascists from all over the world (from Degrelle to Skorzeny, passing by Horia Sima or Filippo Anfuso), discussions around the possible creation of paramilitary organisations, and the everyday lives of (neo)-fascists operating in Madrid. On the basis of police reports, secret service intelligences and other primary sources, this paper foregrounds the role of the fascist diaspora and the subsequent interactions as driving forces enabling entanglements, and cooperation among (neo)-fascist movements and the Francoist regime, at various formal or informal political levels.Publicación Entre dictadura y democracia: las relaciones hispano-italianas tras el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial (1943-1951)(Comares, 2017-05-09) Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelPublicación A Transnational Network: The Contact between Fascist Elements in Spain and Italy, 1945–1968(Taylor & Francis, 2014-02-06) Albanese, Matteo; Hierro De Lecea, Pablo DelThe aim of this article is to analyze the relations established between Spanish and Italian extreme right-wing movements between 1945 and 1968, in an attempt to understand an important knot in the global network of neo-fascist terrorist organizations which was created at the end of World War II.